© 2001, Western Criminology Review. All Rights Reserved.

Citation: Tsoudis, Olga. 2001. "The Portrayal of Crime in the Cypriot Media: An Exploratory Study." Western Criminology Review 3(1). [Online]. Available: http://wcr.sonoma.edu/v3n1/tsoudis.html. 

Criminologists have examined the portrayal of crime in the United States’ media and its influences on society. They have also attempted to explain why the United States has such a high crime rate in comparison to other nations. However, there has been limited research on some nations with low crime rates. This project focuses on Cyprus (Greek Cypriots), a European nation with one of the lowest crime rates and a far less punitive justice system than the United States. I explore the significance of social sanctions, rather than legal sanctions, in the portrayal of crime in the media by using Cypriot media sources. Crime articles from a Cypriot newspaper are coded into a data set for analyses. The results indicate a focus on social aspects of criminal behavior in the Cypriot media.

Keywords: Cyprus, crime, media, social sanctions, social stigma, foreign offenders, international criminal justice

Criminologists have examined the portrayal of crime and criminal justice in the media of the United States. However, there is controversy over whether the media accurately reflects society or is inaccurate or misleading. Several studies have demonstrated that there are significant differences between the media depiction of crime and actual crime (e.g., McDevitt 1996; Schlesinger, Tumber, and Murdock 1991). However, this may not be the case in other societies, and this research explores this possibility.

Furthermore, criminologists have also attempted to explain why the United States has such a high crime rate in comparison to other nations. However, some nations with low crime rates have not been included in this research. This project focuses on Cyprus (Greek Cypriots), which has one of the lowest crime rates in Europe and a criminal justice system that is distinctively less punitive than that of the United States (CIA 1998). Although Cyprus has been studied extensively with respect to Greek-Turkish relations, other facets of Cypriot society have not been explored. For example, Cypriot society is characterized by cohesion, strong family ties, and philotomo (the love of honour). It is of interest to examine the relationship between the media, crime, and punishment in such a society.

This exploratory study of Cypriot media and crime focuses on evidence of coverage of social sanctions in the media’s portrayal of criminal justice. After briefly describing Cyprus and Greek Cypriot culture, particularly in relation to the role of the family and social sanctions, I review general literature on the relationship between media, society, and crime. I then discuss the Cypriot media and the influence of tourism on the island. I draw upon deterrence theory to frame the questions that guide my exploration of these themes. I conclude by discussing issues for further research.

BACKGROUND INFORMATION ON CYPRUS

Cyprus, an island of 3572 square miles (just over half the size of Connecticut in the U.S.A.), is located in the eastern Mediterranean Sea between Europe and the Middle East with a population of 748,982 (approximately 50 percent male, 50 percent female) (CIA World Factbook 1998). The majority (84.1 percent) of the population is Greek-speaking; 68.9 percent of the population lives in urban areas while 31.1 percent lives in rural areas (Cyprus Government 1997). The literacy rate of Cyprus is 94 percent and the unemployment rate is 3.3 percent. (CIA 1998). Sixteen percent of marriages end in divorce, which is quite low in contrast to the approximately fifty percent divorce level of other European nations (Cyprus Government 1997).

While the island has been a target of foreign invasions throughout history, Greek culture has continuously been preserved through the Greek language and Cypriot dialect, traditions, and customs (Peristiany 1966; Speros Basil Vryonis Center for Study of Hellenism 1999). The Eastern Orthodox religion has served as one of the most significant institutions in the Greek community, and has a heavy influence on Cypriot society. The church plays roles in both education and everyday living.

Britain’s control of Cyprus from 1878-1960 influenced the legal system and the government, which in turn affected the culture. Since the Turkish invasion in 1974, the free southern part of the island (Greek Cypriot) has become highly prosperous, urbanized, educated, and highly traveled by tourists (Keefe and Solsten 1993). Even with these changes, local traditions and customs have remained. In contrast, the northern side of Cyprus, occupied by Turkey, has not been as successful in its development (Keefe and Solsten 1993; Kondonassis and Yesilada 1993).¹

According to the Council of Europe, Cyprus has one of the lowest crime rates and one of the lowest prison populations among its surveyed members (Tartter 1993; Cyprus Government 1999). The average prison population remains constant at 225 prisoners, of whom 43 percent are foreigners. For overall crime in 1997, foreigners and tourists made up 24.5 percent of adult offenders (Cyprus Government 1998). Thus, not only is the criminal behavior of Cypriot citizens low in contrast to other nations, but foreigners tend to make up a good proportion of offenders.

We can obtain a clearer picture of crime in Cyprus by contrasting its crime rates with those of other nations.² Table 1 gives statistics for Cyprus, Greece (a nation similar in culture yet larger than Cyprus), Japan (a nation expected to have low crime rates based on cohesion and community), and the United States. By comparing total crimes for these nations, we see that Cyprus had the lowest number of crimes per 100,000 population. With respect to the number of people incarcerated, Greece had the lowest incarceration rate, followed by Cyprus. The United States had the highest crime and incarceration rates among the four nations (Kangaspunta 1995).

^* Missing data.
Source: United Nations Crime Survey (1995)

The United Nations (United Nations Crime Survey 1995) has gathered criminal justice information on Cyprus. Table 2 compares serious offenses in 1986, 1987, 1988, 1989 and 1990. According to this research, in 1990 there were four convictions for intentional homicide, three convictions for non-intentional homicide, 357 convictions for assaults, two convictions for robbery, 323 convictions for all thefts and 156 convictions for burglary. A total of 6007 individuals were convicted in 1990; 5883 adult males, 97 adult females, and 27 juvenile males. Only one offender was given life imprisonment, while fines were imposed 4116 times. The average length of prison time served was 4.9 months in 1990. The rate of incarceration was 88 per 100,000 people. Table 3 gives the prison population breakdown from 1986 to 1990 (United Nations Crime Survey 1995).

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The Cypriot government’s collection of data indicates that 3969 serious offenses occurred in 1997 with the majority categorized as property offenses (Cyprus Government 1998). Men include ninety percent of offenders and are more likely to commit crimes than women. The average age for male offenders is 27.4 and for women 29.5. Foreigners in Cyprus, typically tourists on the island, account for fully one fourth of total convictions for serious offenses, which is 24.3 percent of all male offenders and 27.1 percent of all female offenders. About twenty-three percent of property crimes are committed by foreigners, which includes 40.9 percent of drug crimes and 36.7 percent of forgery (Cyprus Government 1998). These percentages are high considering the number of tourists relative to the number of residents on the island. Table 3 gives a prison population breakdown by gender (United Nations 1986-1990,1995). Table 4 presents the number of serious offenses reported to the police from 1976-1997. Not surprisingly, theft is the modal serious offense. Table 5 gives the social demographics of adult offenders for those same years.

Source: Cyprus Government (1998)

Sentencing in Cyprus varies by nature of the crime, the gravity of the offense and the individual’s need for treatment (Cyprus Government 1998). Fines and imprisonment can be used in all crime categories; however, probation is only used for property offenses. The most common sentence is the monetary fine. Ninety-seven percent of convictions receive fines, .3 percent suspended prison sentences, and .5 percent imprisonment. In 1997, 750 individuals were sent to prison--721 males and 29 females.

Table 6 displays prison statistics from 1976-1997, demonstrating that punishment appears lenient and a large difference between the length of sentence assigned by the judge and the actual time spent in prison. The majority of prison terms are less than six months. In 1997, the median sentence is 2.9 months, yet the median time actually spent is 1.8 months.

Table 7 presents prisoners by offense type. It shows that in 1997, 750 adult offenders passed through the prison system. Prison capacity is approximately 250, so these offenders on average spent less twelve months in prison.

Cyprus has participated in the Crime Prevention and Drug Control Committee with the United Nations. The government has actively taken a fight against drugs in the southern part of the island. Although Cyprus appears relatively drug-free, the government is still concerned about the importation of drugs, especially through tourism. The government has a policy, created by a national committee, to combat drugs including messages to Cypriots about the dangers associated with them (Cyprus Government 1999).

SOCIETY AND CULTURE

We can explore the influences of Cypriot culture on crime by looking at local traditions and customs. Because research on the relationship between Cypriot society and crime is scarce, examining the family is one avenue by which we can understand the society, since the family directly influences individual behaviors and the overall functioning of the society (Georgas et al. 1997). This research suggests that Cypriot society has distinctive characteristics. Importantly, it is described as cohesive, and less individualistic, in contrast to other societies (e.g., Georgas 1991; Georgiou 1995). These characteristics are consistent with the focus of this paper on the importance of social sanctions.

Related to these characteristics, researchers find that the extended family remains strong in Cyprus (Meleagrou and Yesilda 1993). Historically, Greek Cypriots spoke of themselves in reference to their families, not as individuals. They identify themselves first as members of families, next according to places of origin, and lastly as citizens of Cyprus (Meleagrou and Yesilda 1993). Thus, despite urbanization and modernization, the family remains strong in Cypriot society. In the late 1980's, the marriage rate in Cyprus was 9.5 per thousand, the highest in Europe (Meleagrou and Yesilda 1993). Even though the divorce rate, as mentioned earlier, has increased to sixteen percent of marriages, it is still the lowest in Europe. In addition, the number of extramarital births is among the lowest in Europe at .7 percent of the total number of births (Meleagrou and Yesilda 1993).

Most researchers agree that the Cypriot family is patriarchal, with very strong traditional values. However, traditions change in response to various factors, such as changes in the economy, the decline of religion, and changes in the importance given to moral issues (Stavrou 1992). Such changes should, in turn, affect the Cypriot family. However, Georgiou (1991) points out that the Greek Cypriot community influences the Greek Cypriot family whether the larger society changes or remains the same. Individuals and their behaviors within the family are highly influenced by what the community defines as appropriate and inappropriate.

For example, Georgas et al. (1997) studied the significance of the family and the community of Greek Cypriots by measuring the emotional closeness, geographic proximity, and extent of interaction with family members. Greek Cypriots expressed a higher degree of emotional closeness to their relatives, including cousins and uncles/aunts, than the other four culture groups studied (Greece, Netherlands, Great Britain, and the Federal Republic of Germany). Furthermore, they live closer to cousins, aunts and uncles, and siblings. They engage in more frequent meetings with these relatives, and more often contacted their distant relatives by phone. The researchers concluded that these bonds indicate a strong extended family structure in Cyprus. The family plays a significant, multi-functional role as an institution in Cypriot society, providing emotional and material support for members. For example, in Cyprus, family functions are not only social, but also economic, including care of the elderly and financial support for adult children. This collective family structure demonstrates interdependence between family members and the effect it can have on the members’ behaviors. This suggests that for Cypriots, the family is likely to effectively control behaviors.

Furthermore, the strong influences of the family extend to various contexts and a range of behaviors. Georgiou (1995) studied the relationship between family dynamics and school achievement in Cyprus. He described the traditional Cypriot family as three dyads of socially defined roles: in-groups and out-groups, husbands and wives, and parents and children. The in-group includes those persons concerned with a particular individual. Interdependence exists among those in the in-group, in addition to trust and loyalty. This is important, according to Georgiou (1995), because philotimo is deeply ingrained in the culture. Philotimo, the love of honour, controls individuals’ behaviors. Cypriot society highly values philotimo as an individual characteristic that focuses on respect for others, especially the family. Being accused of lacking philotimo is a tremendous insult. This occurs when an individual has insulted the honor of another or when individuals do not defend their own honor. Individuals must act for the family’s collective interest; they protect the well being of the family collective. This too suggests the significance of strong social sanctions in controlling Cypriots' behaviors.

The pair-bond dyad also reveals the significance of the family. Individuals who fail to secure a spouse live their lives in the outskirts of the village socially; they are not given a role in the mainstream society (Markides, Nikita, and Rangou 1978). Triandis et al. (1986) examined the fact that Greeks still attach themselves to society psychologically, and to traditional culture socially. Even though the family has changed in some ways to resemble the Western lifestyle, it still retains characteristics from decades ago. One example is an emphasis on family cohesion. This is evident through behaviors and attitudes (Georgiou 1995) that give more support for the social sanctions I argue are important in controlling behavior.

Finally, as it concerns occupations, Georgiou (1991) studied the effects of the Cypriot family on individual career decision making. Within the family, the main concern typically focuses on what happens after education, not during it. Markides et al. (1978) explain this concern through the Cypriot society’s emphasis on competition for status. Education is a means for achieving higher social status and a higher income. Georgiou (1991) also finds that family is the most direct influence on individual career decision making. Other researchers have similarly described the numerous influences of traditional Greek Cypriot family on individual behaviors (e.g., Georgiou 1995; Attalides 1981).

In sum, from these past studies, we predict the influence of both the family and the strength of social sanctions in the family. Inappropriate behavior would bring shame to individuals and their families because it would undercut philotimo. An individual’s focus on the family and philotimo will mean people are less likely to wish to bring shame to the family. Therefore, I argue that individuals in Cypriot society are less likely to engage in criminal behavior due to social deterrence. This emphasis on social sanctions will be reflected in Cypriot media.

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THE MEDIA AND CRIME

Scholars do not agree that the media is a reflection of reality. Evidence exists that the media reinforces values that are already widespread in the society (e.g., Gans 1979; Cockburn and Loach 1986). Yet, several studies focused on the U.S. show that the media can distort reality, not always giving the most accurate information (e.g., Curran et al. 1986; Sherizen 1978).

The media have been described as a social organization that manufactures cultural products rather than simply mirroring society (Howitt 1998; Cohen and Young 1973). For example, Wasserman and Stack (1994) demonstrate that there was no direct relationship between news coverage and lynching. As the news coverage on lynching increased, lynching rates actually decreased. Researchers have also emphasized that crime news distorts crime in order to support the institutions of power (Barlow, Barlow, and Chiricos 1995; Voumvakis and Ericson 1984). The media focuses on and exaggerates criminal behavior (McDevitt 1996). There is an overemphasis on criminals who are caught. Moreover, there are stereotypes with regard to jobs, roles, and activities, including stereotyping based on gender, race, ethnicity, and homosexuality (Cockburn and Loach 1986). Marsh (1991) describes the consistent, disproportionate emphasis on rape and murder in the media as a worldwide phenomenon. Furthermore, the media tend to give an inaccurately positive image of arrest rates and punishment.

Graber (1980) and Schlesinger et al. (1991) conclude that the media are a source of misinformation. Specific crimes, such as rape, robbery, drugs, and murder are typically over-represented, while theft and burglary are underrepresented (Graber 1980; Sheley and Ashkin 1981). Surette (1984) notes that the crimes most emphasized in the media are the crimes that are the least likely to occur. "Reality programs" which focus on actual crimes tend to be more similar to television crime dramas than reality (Cavender and Bond-Maupin 1993). Thus, researchers tell us that the public perception of crime does not reflect reality (Ito 1993). Furthermore, the distortions by the media increase public fear.

Researchers have debated whether violence presented in the media is a reflection of society rather than the reverse. Some researchers argue that the media inaccurately focuses on violence (Murray 1980). Others claim that the media can not afford to sway from society’s interests, and, thus, will tend to hold the audience’s attention through the reflection of society’s beliefs, values, and politics. In other words, the media maintains its power by reflecting the ideologies and values of the culture (Howitt 1998).

In sum, most previous research suggests that the media are not merely a reflection of society. However, it is important to keep in mind that these studies focus on the U.S. The media and the level of societal reflection may vary by culture, and we cannot assume that this will be the case for the Cypriot media. As noted above, Cypriot society demonstrates the strength of social sanctions and philotimo in the culture, and I anticipate that the Cypriot media will emphasize social sanctions (e.g., embarrassment of the offender and social aspects of crime) in reports of crime and strongly reflect Cypriot society.

Cyprus is also an interesting place to study varied ideas about the role of the media because it has a comparatively large number of daily and weekly newspapers and periodicals for its population size. It has ten Greek-language newspapers and one English-language daily newspaper, in addition to five weekly newspapers (Laipson 1993; Cyprus Government 1999). Greek Cypriots can access seven television stations and three radio stations. Five hundred thousand radios and 300,000 televisions indicate that the citizens obtain information from the media. The media plays a significant role in politics; some newspapers outwardly support specific politicians and/or political parties (Laipson 1993).

The Cyprus News Agency, an independent corporation, represents the Union of Journalists, the Publisher’s Association, the Cyprus Broadcasting Corporation and the Press and Information Office. This corporation distributes news to the island’s newspapers, news agencies, and radio stations. It focuses on events and activities that affect Cypriot society, and other topics of particular interest, such as home news, economy, domestic politics, foreign policy, culture/arts, sports, and entertainment.

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TOURISM

Although social deterrence may be a major influence on local Cypriots’ behaviors, the nation of Cyprus is not isolated from outside visitors. Currently, tourism ranks as its most important industry (Speros Vryonis Center for Study of Hellenism 1999). In 1998, over two million tourists visited Cyprus (Cyprus Government 1999). The majority of tourists are young Scandinavians. The media have described the major tourist town as "a bustling, round-the-clock neon-lit cosmopolitan mini-metropolis and topless sex capital of Cyprus" (Akis et al. 1996; Cyprus Weekly 1992). Even though tourism has helped Cyprus prosper, Cypriot society still has concerns about the negative aspects of tourism, most importantly the influence of tourism on the culture and crime related to tourism (Akis et al. 1996).

Surveyed Cypriots have indicated their opinions about the social impacts of tourism and development in two major tourist towns, Paralimni and Ayia Napia. The majority of Cypriots state (1) that tourists have a negative effect on the Cypriot way of life; (2) that tourism changes the traditional culture; and (3) that tourism decreases the lifestyle quality of Cypriots who live in tourist areas (Akis et al. 1996). However, parents with children who have prospered from tourism view the issue differently. These parents’ support for tourism existed only when their children benefit, suggesting the strength of the family.

The reaction of Cyprus to the tourism of the 1990's demonstrates how the Cyprus society attempts to maintain tradition and avoid major changes to the nation. Agro-tourism (tourism focusing on nature, the environment, and social activities involving local traditions, such as holidays, the harvest, bird watching, hiking and geology) has become a common term in connection with tourism. The emphasis of Cypriots has been to support tourism that preserves traditional values and customs (Kammas 1993) rather than tourism which would encourage society to imitate foreign values and behaviors. Values and behaviors of tourists, specifically from Europe, have developed in the Cypriot society; for example, younger generations seek different values than their families', resulting in weaker family bonds. By promoting agro-tourism, Cypriots attempt to prevent cultural changes stemming from tourism.

With regard to tourism and crime, Cypriot society supports conference tourism, hoping that this type of tourism is more positive. Conference tourism attempts to bring in tourists with qualities different from the ordinary tourists, for example, with higher education levels, higher socioeconomic status, and a better understanding of the culture (Kammas 1993). Conference tourists are more likely to visit archaeological and historical sites, or remain at their conference program. Cypriots reason that these tourists will be less involved in crime.

Cypriots also blame increases in drugs and AIDS on tourism. Maranda (1996) points out tourism is an influence on alcohol consumption as well as drug consumption. An increase in tourism resulted in the increased availability of alcohol with the potential to alter the lives of those in Cyprus. More generally, tourists influence consumption patterns, attitudes towards lifestyles and general beliefs about behaviors (MacIntosh and Goeldner 1990). In addition, MacIntosh and Goeldner (1990) argue that extensive tourism increases levels of prostitution, gambling, public disorder, and other criminal behaviors.

Thus, the Cypriot society, a society of low crime rates and strong family cohesion, would view tourism negatively, even though economically the society prospers. Based on these views, tourists engaging in crime are thought of particularly negatively. Thus, with regard to the portrayal of crime, I anticipate that in addition to an emphasis on social sanctions, the media will negatively portray crimes involving tourists in contrast to those involving Cypriot citizens. Furthermore, tourists will be shamed for their behaviors as "guests" in Cyprus, for insulting Cypriot hospitality and traditions. For criminological insight into the significance of these emphases, I turn now to deterrence theory.

DETERRENCE THEORY

Other than governmental surveys of crime, there has been little research exploring why Cyprus has such low crime rates or the relationship between Cypriot society and crime. The discussion within the academic arena is minimal. According to Tartter (1993), the closeness of the family, the upholding of the family’s honor and reputation, and the social pressures for achievement, explain the low crime rates in Cyprus. As researchers, we can examine numerous theories in an attempt to explain variation in criminal behavior in a specific society. In understanding the relationship between the strength of the family and the low crimes rates in Cyprus, deterrence theory, i.e., that regarding the effect of social sanctions, appears to explain the society’s control over criminal behavior. ³

Deterrence theory explains the control of human behaviors through sanctions (Gibbs 1975). Different types of sanctions exist in societies, including formal (penal) and informal (social) sanctions. Individuals do not engage in certain behaviors due to the perceived sanctions, defined as consequences. The United States focuses on formal sanctions in preventing criminal behavior--prison, probation, and fines. However, American society has not focused as extensively on informal sanctions, which include stigmatization, shaming, embarrassment and disapproval from others, and individual conscience (e.g., Grasmick, Blackwell and Bursik 1993).

In the past, deterrence theory research examined the role of formal sanctions in controlling criminal behaviors and focused on the effects of increasing the severity and certainty of legal sanctions. The legal system has been viewed as a potentially powerful deterrent. However, weak evidence for formal sanctions shifts the focus to informal sanctions (Gibbs 1975; Weisburd et al. 1995), and today deterrence theory has expanded to include informal deterrence. Informal sanctions control a range of deviant behaviors, such as lying and cheating, killing, or tormenting. These sanctions have been studied in various settings: the work place, organizations, families, places of worship, the school system, prisons, and even nuclear arms crises (e.g., Yu and Liska 1993; Simpson and Koper 1992). Research demonstrates that informal sanctions are strong deterrents across these different settings for different forms of deviance. For example, Pate and Hamilton (1992) examine the deterrent effect of formal and social sanctions on domestic violence. The effect of formal sanctions is largely mediated by social sanctions. Arrest appears to be a deterrent; however, the existence of social sanctions associated with the arrest actually deters the offender.

The focus of deterrence theories on social sanctions is consistent with past studies describing the cohesive, family-oriented, honour-based character of Cypriot society and evidence of low crime rates. Thus, I examine Cypriot media sources, looking for evidence of shaming and the presence of social information in crime reports. Specifically, I expect a greater emphasis on social sanctions than on legal sanctions, or the mediation of legal sanctions by social sanctions.

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RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODS

Because there is little social science research on the culture of Cyprus, particularly the relationship between the society and crime, I decided to explore the following questions. First, what evidence is there for the greater importance of informal, social sanctions over formal, legal sanctions as deterrents to crime on Cyprus? If, as I suspect, informal sanctions are more important, then Cypriot media accounts of crime ought to focus extensively on social forms of deterrence such as shaming. This could be accomplished through the inclusion of extensive information about offenders and their families (e.g., area of origin, age, and occupation). Because status and competition for status are strong and highly valued in Cypriot society, crimes in which offenders' names are intentionally excluded from articles will involve offenders of higher social status, or young victims. Offenders will be portrayed negatively for most crimes, but social factors, such as social status, will influence depictions. In particular, whether or not offenders or victims are portrayed negatively will vary depending upon whether they are Cypriot residents or tourists, given Cypriot concern with tourism. Shaming is a more effective deterrent for members of a community, for example, and thus I expect to find that more personal information would be provided about Cypriot offenders. Foreign offenders, however, are likely to be portrayed more negatively overall, as they are outsiders. Given the importance of social sanctions, any discussion of legal sanctions should be mediated by the latter; such discussion will be of social relations and culture offered in explanation for the punishment meted out, for example. Finally, since personal crimes in general involve hurting an individual directly, more shaming is involved with violent crimes. Thus, the media are more likely to focus on these crimes, and percentages of violent crimes relative to non-violent crimes reported in the media will be higher than those reported to the police.

As a pilot study, I examined the newspaper, Cyprus Mail, for a period of three years, traveling to Cyprus to obtain access to the newspaper for 1997. In 1998, Cyprus Mail was placed on the Internet. Since the crime rate is low, I included all of the crime articles printed in the years covered in the study. I collected Cyprus Mail articles on crime for January-December 1997, August-December 1998, and January-May 1999. The 1998 set is not complete because the newspaper terminated its internet archive section.

I recorded extensive information for each crime article (please see Appendix for variables and coding explanations). Barlow et al.'s (1995) coding scheme, which was used to code crime news in the United States post-World War II, was used to assist in the development of the socioeconomic and other demographic coding categories. In addition, I obtained police statistics for comparison to the types of crimes disclosed through the media. I then created a data set to explore the variables through descriptives, ANOVA analyses, correlations, and regression analyses.

RESULTS

Descriptive Data

There were a total of 643 crime articles: 278 in 1997, 219 in 1998, and 155 in 1999 (1997 was the only complete twelve month set of articles). Table 8 shows the percentages of the types of crimes reported in the Cyprus Mail. Approximately fifty percent of the crimes were property crimes and fifty percent were personal crimes. The largest percentage of crimes were assaults (14.9 percent), murders (12.1 percent), drugs (9.4 percent), and thefts (10.1 percent). In this way, the media give the impression that these are the most common crimes. 

Types of Crime Portrayed in the Media Articles, in Percent