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A good deal of research has explored public perceptions of the police.
However, most studies have focused exclusively on the attitudes of adults.
Comparatively little research has been done concerning juvenile attitudes
toward the police. Even less literature exists that employs a theoretical
context in order to better understand juvenile attitudes toward the police
and other authority figures in their lives. In fact, one can safely say
that juvenile attitudes toward police and other authority figures are
a relatively unexplored area of criminal justice research. Only within
the last few years have researchers expanded the literature and started
to make concerted efforts in examining the complexity of this subject
(see, for example, Amorso and Ware 1983; Hurst and Frank 2000; Levy 2001;
Taylor et al. 2001; Williams 1999).
With respect to juvenile attitudes toward the police, the limited research
on this topic has produced conflicting results. A number of studies have
concluded that, unlike adults, juveniles generally hold less favorable
attitudes toward police, claiming that children not only distrust police,
but they have a lack of understanding or a misperception of the role of
police in society (Brown and Benedict 2002; Hurst and Frank 2000; Reisig
and Giacomazzi 1998; Reisig and Parks 2000; Taylor et al. 2001; Webb and
Marshall 1995; Williams 1999). Some studies also found that youth usually
feel that the police use too much force and are typically unhappy with
the way they are treated by the police (Brown and Benedict 2002). Other
researchers reported that juveniles felt that the police unnecessarily
harassed them and that police were slow to intervene or assist when needed
(Williams, 1999). Additionally, youth tend to blame police for worsening
conditions in their neighborhoods (Hurst and Frank 2000).
Other researchers have found that juveniles have positive attitudes toward
the police and other forms of authority (Amorso and Ware 1983; Levy 2001;
Murray and Thompson 1985; Rigby et al. 1987). Amorso and Ware (1983) reported
that the youth in their study consistently agreed with positive statements
about the police. Additionally, the students in this study also felt that
police did their job well, were criticized too often, and did not receive
community support.
Furthermore, there is no solid consensus on the relationship between perceptions
of police and attitudes toward parent and teachers. The common belief
among researchers is that juveniles exhibit a generally similar attitude
towards all authority figures, both personal and impersonal (Amorso and
Ware 1983; Brown and Benedict 2002; Levy 2001; Rigby et al. 1987). However,
Amorso and Ware (1983) outlined problems in conceptualization, historical
sampling, lack of empirical tests, and mixed findings that weaken the
argument of the generality of attitudes toward authority figures. The
amount of research available and the negative results of empirical tests
prevent us from safely drawing conclusions.
The purpose of the present study is to advance our knowledge concerning
juvenile attitudes toward authority figures, with special emphasis on
their perceptions of the police. Using self report data gathered from
middle and high school students enrolled in a public school in the Southeastern
United States as a data base, we will explore juvenile attitudes toward
the police as they relate to other authority figures in their lives, specifically
teachers and parents. We will explore which variables are significant
predictors of juvenile attitudes toward the police. In order to better
understand the results, we will use subcultural theory to explain our
findings.
Juvenile Attitudes and the Police
Researchers have examined a number of different factors to better understand
the attitudes that juveniles have toward the police. The most common variable
examined in recent studies is the effect of race (Hurst et al. 2000; Hurst
and Frank 2000; Janeksela 1999; Jones-Brown 2000; Leiber et al. 1998;
Taylor et al. 2001). Results of these studies have been mixed. While most
researchers have reported that minorities tend to have less favorable
views of the police, a number of studies have found that minorities have
more favorable views of the police than do white youths (Brown and Benedict
2002; Sims et al. 2002).
Other contributing factors to the attitudes of youths toward the police
that have been explored include gender, contact with police, neighborhood
context, and fear of crime. Studies have failed to show if gender consistently
contributes to differences in attitudes toward police (Brown and Benedict
2002; Griffiths and Winfree 1982; Taylor et al. 2001). Those that found
a difference have difficulty explaining that difference.
The quality of the contacts juveniles have had with the police have generally
been linked to less favorable attitudes (Griffiths and Winfree 1982; Hurst
and Frank 2000; Janeksela 1999; Jones-Brown 2000; Leiber et al. 1998).
This variable has included personal contact, which included both personal
interaction and eyewitness accounts, as well as vicarious contact, such
as hearing about unpleasant and undesirable police interaction from other
people. Researchers have found that negative police contact exerts a much
greater effect on attitudes than positive police contact. Additionally,
neighborhood context has proven significant as a contributing factor (Leiber
et al. 1998; Reisig and Parks 2000; Taylor et al. 2001) as has fear of
crime (Sims et al. 2002; Willams 1999). Adolescents tend to blame fear
of crime and victimization, as well as worsening neighborhood conditions,
on the police and their inability to control crime in their neighborhood.
Theoretical Context
Relatively little research concerning juvenile attitudes toward the police
has been theoretically driven (Janeksela 1999; Lieber et al. 1998). In
one such study, Leiber, Nalla, and Farnworth (1998) employed subcultural
theory to better understand the phenomenon. Subcultural theory is based
on the classic works of Cohen (1955), Miller (1958), and Cloward and Ohlin
(1960). In his analysis of juvenile gangs, Cohen concluded that these
groups of largely male adolescents had developed a distinct culture, one
that emphasized very different norms, values, and expectations than the
dominant culture. This new subculture arose when youths, especially those
from lower-socioeconomic status families, struggled to succeed. When compared
to their middle class peers, lower class, minority youths were at a disadvantage
in competitive environments such as schools. Because these youths were
unsuccessful in measuring up to middle class standards, they sought to
establish a new culture in which they could find success and elevate their
status. According to Cohen, this new subculture rejected middle class
values such as academic achievement, courtesy, and delayed gratification.
As summarized by Akers and Sellers (2004:167), "If polite classroom
behavior and making good grades will gain greater standing in the eyes
of the teachers, then classroom disruption and disdain for academic achievement
will gain greater standing in the delinquent subculture."
Miller (1958) advanced the work of Cohen and identified a number of values
or what he called "focal concerns" of the lower class culture.
These focal concerns included such elements as trouble, toughness, smartness,
excitement, fate, and, most importantly for this analysis, autonomy. For
Miller, lower class autonomy was marked by a resentment of authority and
rules, which were often based on middle class values. Thus, youths who
were members of a delinquent subculture would reject and resent symbols
of social control, such as the police and other authority figures. According
to this view, one would expect to find a correlation between feelings
toward teachers, parents, and the police. Youths who voiced negative opinions
about their teachers would express similar feelings toward the other symbols
of authoritative, coercive control in their lives.
Richard Cloward and Lloyd Ohlin (1960) added an additional component to
the groundwork established by Cohen and Miller which was the type of environment
in which the youths reside. Drawing on social disorganization theory (Shaw
and McKay 1942), Cloward and Ohlin agreed that boys from lower socioeconomic
classes experience the greatest amounts of personal frustration and strain
when competing with middle class youths in competitive environments. Lower
class boys would therefore be involved in higher levels of delinquency
than youths from middle and upper socioeconomic classes. This is especially
true among minority youths. However, Cloward and Ohlin also considered
that just as some neighborhoods do not provide legitimate opportunities
for youths, not all neighborhoods provide illegitimate opportunities for
crime and delinquency. Different types of subcultures would ultimately
develop based on the opportunities available to the youths.
In areas marked by extreme social disorganization, a specific type of
"conflict" subculture would be most likely to develop. Since
both legitimate and illegitimate pathways to success are blocked in these
areas, the strain is especially intense. In these types of communities,
few authoritative controls will be placed on the youths. Adult role models
will be few and far between; adults that the youths do encounter will
be viewed as powerless and met with disrespect (Akers and Sellers 2004;
Vold, Bernard and Snipes 2002). Success and status in these neighborhoods
are derived by the ability of the youth to be tough and violent. Boys
growing up in these neighborhoods would be rewarded for fighting and other
violent predatory acts against other residents.
A number of more contemporary researchers have applied tenets of subculture
theory to a variety of settings. Elijah Anderson (1999), in an ethnographic
study of inner city street life in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, discussed
two opposing cultural orientations that influence the behavior of residents:
the culture of decency and street culture. While the culture of decency
is based on adherence to middle class values, the code of the street exists
as a direct negative mirror image of the values held by "decent"
residents. The issue of respect is central to the Code of the Street,
as one's reputation is viewed as a valuable-if not the only-asset that
one may control. The Code includes rules for the display of respectful
behavior, as well as punishments for those who engage in insolent actions.
The subcultural norms of the street culture regulate the use of violence,
aggression, and street crime. Individuals who subscribed to the values
of the Code of the Street are more likely to engage in violent behaviors
(Brezina, Agnew, Cullen, and Wright 2004).
Similarly, Jacobs and Wright (1999) explored the impact of street culture
on an individuals' decision to engage in armed robbery. During in-depth
interviews with 86 active robbers in St. Louis, Missouri, a common theme
that arose was a strong adherence to the street culture, which was defined
by Jacobs and Wright (1999:165) in the following manner: "Street
culture subsumes a number of powerful conduct norms, including but not
limited to the hedonistic pursuit of sensory stimulation, disdain for
conventional living, lack of future orientation, and persistent eschewal
of responsibility." Involvement in street culture was reported to
be an important intervening variable that shaped and directed the robber's
perceived need for fast cash.
The influence and evolution of subcultural beliefs among urban crack dealers
have also been explored. Jacobs (1999), in an ethnographic study of young
African American crack dealers working the streets in St. Louis, Missouri,
discussed the limited legitimate opportunities available for these frustrated
inner city adolescents. Crack dealing became a lucrative choice for the
minority youths, who faced added burdens of racism and social isolation.
In this environment, subcultural norms evolve that protect the reputation
and status of the dealer.
Purpose of the Present Study
The purpose of the present study is to explore the differences in attitudes
that juveniles report toward their teachers, parents (or parent figures),
and the police. Based on subcultural theory, we would expect that juvenile
attitudes toward the police, teachers, and parents would be strongly correlated.
Youths who adopt values consistent with a delinquent subculture would
be more likely to voice negative opinions toward a variety of authority
figures.
Further, subucultural theory suggests that juvenile attitudes toward the
police and other authority figures would be influenced by social class
(lower class youths would be less supportive), gender and race (males
and minorities would report less favorable attitudes), and scholastic
success. Students who are less successful in school would be more likely
to adopt subcultural values, including negative feelings toward symbols
of authority. Additionally, we suspect that students who report contacts
with the police as a result of their suspected involvement in delinquent
behaviors would also report lower evaluations of the police and other
authority figures due to their willingness to engage in deviant acts,
which is an indicator of commitment to the delinquent subculture. We also
predict that students who have little confidence in the police to perform
their jobs effectively (a rough measure of the youths' respect for the
authority of the police) would also report lower evaluations. Finally,
we suspect that juveniles who reside in neighborhoods they perceive to
be unsafe would report lower evaluations of the police and other authority
figures.
METHODS
School and Community Demographics
A survey was administered to students attending a middle school and a
high school in a small city in the Southeastern United States in November
1998. According to 2000 Census figures, the city had a population of 69,371
residents. The city was 92.7 percent white, 2.7 percent African American,
and 4.6 percent of other races. Approximately 4.2 percent of the residents
indicated their ethnicity as Hispanic/Latino. When compared to the rest
of the state, this particular city reported lower median incomes, lower
levels of owner-occupied housing, and higher numbers of elderly residents.
The median income of the residents was $32,217, which was below the state
median of $38,819. With respect to owner-occupied housing, 57 percent
of the residents of this city owned their own homes, compared to the state-wide
figure of 60.8 percent. While 17.6 percent of the residents of the state
were age 65 and up, 30 percent of the residents of this city were classified
as elderly.
The middle school consisted of grades 6 to 8 and had a total enrollment
of 1,234 students as of October, 1988. The student body was 48 percent
female. At the time of the administration of this survey, the county in
which this city is located was still under a desegregation order in which
African American students were bused into the middle and high schools
in order to maintain the required racial balance. Therefore, the racial
composition of the schools did not reflect the city demographics. With
respect to race, 79.0 percent of the middle school students were white,
15.2 percent were African American, 2.9 percent were Hispanic, and 2.8
percent were classified as Asian, American Indian, or multiracial. Approximately
40 percent of the middle school students were eligible for free or reduced-price
lunch, a rough measure of community economic status.
The high school included grades 9 to 12 and had a total enrollment of
1,923 students as of October, 1988. The student body was 51 percent female.
With respect to race, 82.9 percent of the students were white, 10.6 percent
were African American, 3.5 percent were
Hispanic, and 3.0 percent were classified as Asian, American Indian, or
multiracial. While the district does not maintain records regarding eligibility
for free or reduced price lunch for high school students, the school did
report a graduation rate of 45.8 percent for the 1998-1999 school year.
The Sample
A passive parental consent procedure was used and students were informed
that their participation in the study was voluntary. This survey was constructed
to evaluate the effectiveness of a juvenile curfew ordinance that was
initiated as part of a Community Oriented Policing Services (COPS) grant
awarded to the city's police department.
In the middle school, the survey was administered in a Social Studies
class that was required for all students. Two researchers surveyed the
45 Social Studies classes among the three grades. One researcher read
the survey questions aloud while the other circulated among the students
to provide assistance to those requiring further clarification and to
keep the students on task. A total of 1,029 surveys were completed in
the middle school, which represented 83.3 percent of the student enrollment.
The survey was conducted differently for the high school due to scheduling
issues related to vocational/technical training that was available to
the students. The researchers were unable to visit all 60 classes conducted
during the third period, which was identified by the principal as the
period during which almost all students would be attending class. Therefore,
30 classes were randomly selected in which to administer the survey. A
total of 625 surveys were completed and usable from the high school sample,
which reflected 33 percent of the student enrollment.
The final sample included a total of 1,654 respondents. The sample was
evenly split between male and female respondents. The sample was predominantly
Caucasian (77%), while African Americans comprised 12 percent of the population.
Another 11 percent of the students were classified as other (for purposes
of analysis, race was dichotomized into Caucasian or minority). The mean
age of the respondents was 13.79 years (S.D. = 1.99 years).
The results of this study should be generalized with caution, particularly
because of the desegregation order that was in place during the time of
the survey administration. This order was lifted in 2003. Any possible
impact of the busing situation on the climate of the individual schools
is difficult to ascertain. Comparisons with results of similar surveys
of Southern schools with similar demographics may be more valid.
Operationalization of Variables
Feelings toward Parents
In order to measure the perceptions that the juveniles held toward their
parents, students were asked to rate their attitudes toward each mother/father
figure on the following items: I can talk to him/her about anything; he/she
always trusts me; I can always ask him/her for advice; he/she always praises
me when I do well; and I want to be the kind of person he/she is. Students
were asked to indicate which number best represented their attitude, on
a scale from 1 to 6, with higher scores indicating more favorable attitudes.
The 10 items were scaled into a single measure of parent perception and
converted to a mean score (Cronbach's Alpha = .8767, n = 1,421).1
Similar to the strategy adopted by Taylor et al. (2001) and Jackson (2002),
summative scaled measures for our dependent variables were converted to
the mean. This transformation was done in order to allow for easier interpretation
by maintaining a consistent score with the individual items. Summary statistics
for the variables are reported in Table 1.
Table 1. Descriptive Statistics for Variables Used
in the Analysis.
Feelings toward Teachers
To measure the students' attitudes toward their teachers, the students
were asked how much they agreed/disagreed with the following statements:
My teachers don't respect my opinions; teachers embarrass you when you're
wrong; I respect teachers more than
they respect me; and most of my teachers like me (reverse coded). Lower
scores indicate less favorable attitudes. Responses for these four items
were scaled and converted to a mean score (Alpha = .5633, n = 1,518)2
resulting in a single measure of teacher perception.
Feelings toward the Police
Students were asked how much they agreed/disagreed with the following
statements regarding the police: Police officers are honest; most police
officers are friendly; police officers are respectful toward people like
me; police officers do a good job. Lower scores indicate less favorable
attitudes toward the police. Responses to the 4 items were combined into
a single measure of police perception and converted to the mean (Alpha
= .8760, n = 1,587).
Other Variables of Interest
To measure the student's perception of neighborhood safety, they were
asked how much they agreed or disagreed with the following statement:
I feel safe being alone outside in my neighborhood at night. Lower scores
indicate greater feelings of personal safety.
Since the initial purpose of the survey was to measure the effectiveness
of a truancy/juvenile curfew effort, students had also been asked whether
or not they had been picked up by the local police for skipping school
or for breaking curfew laws during their years of attendance at their
current school. Only 15 percent (n=251) indicated that they had been picked
up for either of these violations.
A rough measure of social class was also included in the survey. Students
were asked how many people lived in their home and how many bedrooms were
in their home. We then divided the number of residents by the number of
bedrooms in the home. Based on this scale, higher values on this variable
indicate lower levels of socioeconomic status.
The survey also included a measure of academic performance. Students were
asked what kind of grades they received in school: mostly A's, mostly
B's, etc. Lower scores on this variable indicate higher grades.
Finally, as a measure of respect for the competency of the police in the
performance of their duties, the students were also asked whether or not
they would get caught by the police if they engaged in a number of common
delinquent behaviors, including skipping school, stealing something worth
$50 or less, hitting someone with the idea of hurting them, or using marijuana.
Responses to the four items were combined into one measure of police effectiveness
(alpha = .714). Lower values indicated a stronger fear of getting caught
by the police if they had engaged in the behavior in question.
RESULTS
The first research question explored whether or not there were statistically
significant correlations between attitudes toward police, teachers, and
parents. As can be seen in Table 2, the students' attitudes toward the
police were significantly and positively correlated with their feelings
toward their parents and their teachers. Additionally, significant correlations
were also found between the students' attitudes toward the police and
a number of other variables of interest. Higher evaluations of the police
were found among the students who experienced fewer police contacts, had
greater feelings of neighborhood safety, received higher grades, and were
younger and Caucasian. Interestingly, social class had an inverse relationship
with evaluations of the police. Additionally, students who reported a
greater likelihood of getting caught by the police for engaging in various
acts of delinquency were more likely to report positive feelings towards
the police.
Table 2. Bivariate Pearson's Correlations.
We also explored whether or not the youths viewed the police
more positively or negatively than other authority figures in their lives.
A t-test was used to compare the values reported by the students toward
the police, their teachers, and their parents and a value of indifference.
For example, students rated their feelings toward the police on a 4-point
scale. If the students had strong, positive feelings toward the police
then the mean score would be closer to a value of 4. Similarly, if the
students reported strong negative feelings toward the police, then the
mean score would be closer to a value of 1. The test value of indifference
for both attitudes toward the police and teachers was 2.50. Since the
scale to measure the students' perception of their parents was different,
the test value of indifference was 3.50. Results are reported in Table
3.
Table 3. T-Test Results.
As can be seen in Table 3, the students were generally apathetic toward
the police. The mean attitude measure was not significantly different
from the test value for indifference. In contrast, the students held generally
positive feelings toward their teachers as well as their parents.
Finally, we explored significant predictors of juvenile attitudes toward
the police. In this analysis, OLS regression was used to identify significant
independent variables. Results of this analysis are presented in Table
4. Even when controlling for the various independent variables including
race, neighborhood safety, and police contacts, feelings toward teachers
and parents were still significant predictors of attitudes toward police.
When all of the independent variables were included, the model explained
37 percent of the variance in juveniles' attitudes toward the police (F=62.88,
p<.05).
Table 4. Regression Results: Predicting Mean Feelings
Towards Police.
DISCUSSION
The purpose of this study was to explore juvenile attitudes toward the
police, especially as they compared to the attitudes held toward parents
and teachers. The youth in our sample had generally positive attitudes
toward their parents and teachers, but held indifferent attitudes toward
the police. Our results indicate that juveniles do, in fact, view the
police differently than they view other authority figures. However, feelings
toward parents and teachers were significant predictors of attitudes toward
police. Youths who reported more positive feelings about their parents
and teachers also reported positive feelings toward the police. This finding
lends support to findings of previous studies regarding the significance
of attitudes toward parents and teachers.
In a previous study, Amorso and Ware (1983) found a positive correlation
between attitudes toward parents and attitudes toward police. However,
they discovered that attitudes toward teachers were better predictors
of attitudes toward police. They also found that attitudes toward police
were more positive than attitudes toward teachers, but less positive than
attitudes toward parents. The results of their study support the notion
of generalized attitudes toward authority, but do not suggest that attitudes
toward police are derived from attitudes toward parents.
In other studies, Rigby et al. (1987) determined that juveniles had similar
attitudes about both personal and impersonal authority figures. Amorso
and Ware (1986) also found that perceptions of home environment contributed
significantly to their attitudes toward authority. Brown and Benedict
(2002), citing studies by Clark and Wenninger (1964), and Krause (1975),
stated that favorable attitudes toward parents and teachers interrelated
positively with favorable attitudes toward the police. Brown and Benedict
(2002) also concluded that juveniles who viewed illegal behaviors and
delinquency in a positive light would subsequently view police negatively.
The results of our study lend support to a subcultural framework for better
understanding the attitudes of youths toward the police and other authority
figures in their lives. As predicted by subcultural theory, the attitudes
held by youths were generally consistent for police, teachers, and parents.
As feelings toward parents and teachers declined, so did attitudes toward
the police. It is also not surprising that the students' perceptions of
the police were at a level of relative indifference. Unlike the regular
and personal contact that students have with their parents and teachers,
few students have contacts with the police. This relatively infrequent
contact may not engender a strong response, either positive or negative,
towards the police.
We examined other variables that would help us better predict juveniles'
attitudes toward the police. These variables included age, gender, academic
performance, social class, race, police contact, likelihood of being caught
or picked up by the police, and neighborhood safety. Feelings toward police
became more negative as the age of the children increased. This finding
contradicts the majority of previous studies that found attitudes toward
the police improve with age (see Brown and Benedict 2002; Hurst and Frank
2000; Reisig and Giacomazzi 1998; Reisig and Parks 2000; Webb and Marshall
1995). However, many of these other studies deal with samples of people
age 18 and older and argue that adults hold more positive attitudes toward
police than juveniles. One possible explanation is that attitudes steadily
decline through teenage years and then begin to improve upon graduation
of high school and commencement of an "adult" life. This is
purely a speculation and requires further research on the effects of age
as a variable before conclusions may be drawn.
Based on subcultural theory, we would expect that gender would be related
to evaluations of the police and other authority figures. In this view,
boys are under much greater pressure than girls to adopt and conform to
values and norms of the delinquent subculture. Therefore, we would expect
girls to evaluate the police, teachers, and parents at a higher level
than their male peers. Additionally, since we expect girls to be involved
to a lesser extent than boys in a delinquent subculture, we would also
expect girls to report higher grades and fewer police contacts. Results
for gender were mixed. Based on the bivariate correlations, girls reported
higher positive attitudes toward the police and their teachers, but not
their parents. Girls were also more likely to report fewer police contacts
and higher grades than did the boys. However, while significant bivariate
correlations were found between gender and a number of key variables,
gender was not significant in the multivariate model.
The results related to our police contact variable should be viewed with
prudence, however, as we used only two measures of police contact (if
the child had ever been picked up for truancy or for a curfew violation).
Future studies may explore other varieties of police contact to include
formal, informal, and vicarious forms of contact (see Hurst and Frank
2000).
The results concerning the relationships between the other variables of
interest and attitudes toward authority figures can also be better understood
using the subcultural theoretical context. Based on subcultural theory,
we would expect juveniles with a greater commitment to a delinquent subculture
to report lower evaluations of authority figures. In an examination of
the bivariate correlations, higher grades, fewer police contacts for truancy
and curfew violations, and respect for the abilities of the police were
all consistent, significant correlates with positive attitudes toward
authority figures. Additionally, in the multivariate model, grades, race,
feelings toward teachers and parents, police contacts, and fear of the
police all remained significant predictors of attitudes toward the police
and all were consistent in the direction expected by subcultural theory.
Interestingly, social class was not consistently related to the evaluations
of authority figures, nor was the measure a significant predictor in the
multivariate model. It may be that our measure was too poor an estimate.
Future research may wish to employ a better measure of social class.
Neighborhood safety was not consistently related to the youths' evaluations
of authority figures. One would expect that in highly disorganized communities
the students would report higher levels of fear. According to Cloward
and Ohlin (1960), these socially disorganized areas would breed conflict
oriented subcultures which were based on violence. In our study, students
who reported higher levels of fear reported significantly higher evaluations
of the police, but lower evaluations of their teachers. While it may very
well be that neighborhood safety was unrelated to the students' perceptions
of authority figures, this result may be due in part to our relatively
poor measure of neighborhood safety. The result may have been different
if we had used more questions related to the quality of life in the youths'
neighborhoods, or if we had employed an external measure, such as calls
for service or other police data.
An additional variable that produced noteworthy results measured juveniles'
opinions of the likelihood of being caught by police if they skipped school,
stole something, hit someone, or used marijuana. Youth who reported more
positive attitudes toward police were more likely to say that the police
would catch them if they committed crimes. This relationship was of interest
in that juveniles who held positive opinions toward the police were also
more respectful/fearful of their abilities to apprehend criminals. This
finding was also consistent with subcultural theory. Since youths who
adopt a subcultural orientation would be more likely to view the police
negatively, they would also view police as powerless and incompetent.
CONCLUSION
Our findings supported our prediction that juveniles' attitudes toward
parents and teachers would accurately forecast attitudes toward police.
We feel that understanding juvenile attitudes toward police is a very
vital, yet often neglected, area of crime reduction strategy in our country.
If law enforcement agents better understood the causes and nature of juvenile
attitudes toward police, they may be able to positively influence the
outcome of interactions with youths more often and, subsequently, reduce
the disproportionate amount of juveniles involved in the criminal justice
system. To illustrate the problem, in 1999, law enforcement agencies in
the U.S. made 2.5 million arrests of persons under the age of 18 (Snyder
2001). The same year, one of every six arrests made by law enforcement
agencies involved a juvenile (Snyder 2001). Between 1983 and 1992, the
adult arrest rate for murder had risen only nine percent, while the corresponding
juvenile rate increased by 128 percent (Funk and Polsby 1998). Clearly,
juvenile crime and its cause is a critical area of criminology research.
Furthermore, understanding juvenile attitudes toward police can lead to
greater success with programs such as community policing which rely heavily
on improved relationships between law enforcement and the public. After
all, as most of the current studies suggest, attitudes developed early
in life often persist into adulthood (Jones-Brown 2000). It would be difficult
to dispute the notion that improved relations between police and citizens,
coupled with increased knowledge about the role of law enforcement in
communities, would have a great impact on reducing the level of crime.
Simply stated, the bottom line is that understanding the nature of juvenile
attitudes toward police will help reduce crime.
ENDNOTES
1. While the argument could be made to include
separate measures of feelings towards mother/mother figure and feelings
toward father/father figure, in this sample there were no appreciable
differences between the correlations between the 10 items for both parent
figures than the 5 items measuring feelings towards the mother (Alpha
= .84, n = 1,564) and the 5 items measuring the feelings towards the father
(Alpha = .87, n = 1,472). back
2. The reliability coefficient for this
scale was much lower than the alpha values for the other scaled measures.
Principal component factor analysis revealed a single factor solution
with eigen values ranging from 0.57 to 0.75. back
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